I draw your attention to Article V, which offers procedures for amending the Constitution. Article V has been successfully invoked
27 times--25 or 26 times if you reconcile the count for the fact that the
Twenty-first Amendment repealed the Eighteenth Amendment, the prohibition of intoxicating
liquors.
So why do I refer to Article V
if it has been used on more than two dozen occasions? I have in mind an important but neglected
part of Article V. Article V provides two methods for amending the
Constitution. Only one method has been
used. We might call that the Washington
Method, since it relies upon the Federal Government to propose amendments and
send them to the States. The other,
unused method I would call the State Method, as it relies upon the State
legislatures to initiate the amendment process.
Article V is short.
Here is the text in full:
The Congress,
whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose
Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of
two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing
Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes,
as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three
fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as
the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress;
Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand
eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses
in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its
Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. (Emphasis added)
Constitutions are foundational documents and so should not
be changed any more often than you would consider changing the foundation of
your house. Change the foundation
and a lot of other things change, too, and if you are not careful you can
weaken the whole structure. But the
Founders of the nation knew that they were not omniscient and that the need for
adjustments or even corrections to the basic plan of the government would
surely become obvious over time.
For example, the original process for counting electoral
votes for President and Vice President almost put Aaron Burr in the White House
instead of Thomas Jefferson in 1800.
Jefferson was the candidate for President, Burr the running mate, and
both received the same number of electoral votes, but the electoral college
ballot under the Constitution did not distinguish between President and Vice
President. The two were tied, and Aaron
Burr got the notion that maybe he should be President instead of Jefferson. The House of Representatives had to sort it
out. Afterwards, this flaw in the
Constitution was corrected by the Twelfth Amendment.
The first ten amendments, the Bill of Rights, were made
almost immediately and were demanded by several states as essential conditions
for their ratification of the Constitution itself. We could very appropriately consider those
ten amendments as part of the original Constitution since it would not likely
have been ratified without their promised addition. In that view, the Constitution has
subsequently been amended little more than a dozen times in over two centuries.
It is also worth noting that Congress has proposed
amendments that the States have subsequently and appropriately turned down. One
such proposed amendment that never got past the States was approved by Congress in 1861, denying Congress the power to interfere with
slavery. The Constitution does not, however,
limit the power of the States to only considering amendments that come out of
Washington. It provides to the States
the power to initiate amendments of their own.
Mark Levin, in his recent book, The Liberty Amendments, argues that it is important for the States
to exercise that authority. He offers
some suggestions for amendments that the States might consider, designed to
restore the balance between Washington and the States that the Founders
envisioned when creating our federal system.
It is a sign of how distorted things have become that using the
word “federal” today almost always leads one to think of the government inWashington. Yet our federal
system was designed specifically to preserve
State authority and limit the power
of the national government. Levin argues
that those limits have been dangerously eroded, especially over the last
century.
Consider the many aspects of our daily lives that are determined
one way or another by Washington laws and regulations rather than by the States
whose representatives are closer to the people whom they govern. The list would include the fixtures in our
bathrooms, the design of our cars, the food offered to children in school lunch
rooms, the subjects that they are taught, the products and services offered by
banks, and now the healthcare that we can receive.
A major consequence of the problem is that the power
appetite of Washington has taken on more than it can handle and is seriously
threatening the health of the nation.
Regardless of which parties are in power or whether power is divided,
Washington is becoming increasingly dysfunctional. But the professional politicians in
Washington will not let go of the power that they have taken from the States,
even as they sink under the weight.
What
has tied Washington up in knots this fall?
It is conflict over Obamacare.
Would that even be a problem if healthcare were left to the States to
regulate? Congress is having trouble
passing a farm bill because of apparently unbridgeable differences over food
stamps. Would Washington be stuck in the
mud—and at the same time affecting all the rest of the nation—if farm and
nutrition policies remained in State hands?
At the same time, many States are facing major budget problems coming to
grips with paying for programs forced on them by the national government.
The State Method for amending the Constitution was put into
the Constitution specifically for the time when the national government was the
problem and would be incapable of solving its own problems. Surely that time has come. Washington has gotten tied up in a Gordian knot
of its own devising. The wise Founders
of the nation apparently knew that things could come to this. It is time for the States to exercise their constitutional
power to cut the knot.
2 comments:
Excellent. Will share.
I was just talking about this yesterday with a coworker. There's a first time for everything and now seems like an excellent chance to try this out! Unfortunately, if the states' proposal has anything to do with de-funding Obamacare, it will be rejected.
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